United States, native ethnography, participant-observation, cultural research Anthropologists have done more research in the United States in the last dozen years than in the entire previous history of the discipline-far more, perhaps twice as much.
United States, native ethnography, participant-observation, cultural research Anthropologists have done more research in the United States in the last dozen years than in the entire previous history of the discipline-far more, perhaps twice as much. Some reasons for this boom may be paradigmatic: At least as important, however, are more down-to-earth disciplinary pragmatics: Sociologists have also continued to produce the domestic case studies they have written since the early 20th century, and researchers in American studies, linguistics, folklore, ethnomusi- cology, education, political science, and so on have joined the domestic ethno- graphic project.
The outcome has been over research-based monographs about the United States written in the last dozen years, plus many articles- 1 American in this article means "of the continental United States [excluding native American peoples]"; apologies to American Indians, Alaskans, Hawaiians, Puerto Ricans, Canadians, Latin American, and so on.
Current notions of cultural hegemony, in any case see note 11, belowblur simplistic distinctions between one and many culture s in the nation-state known as the United States. Including non-exhaustively 2a, 19, 32a, 32b, 50, 75a, 79a, 88, 90, 94a,a, a, a, a,a,a,a,a,plus a number of Holt-Rinehart "case studies" see Who has done what research, and how, and how have these recent ethnographies been written up?
What aspects of American belief and practice do they highlight, or neglect? What descriptions or interpretations of culture in the United States emerge from reading them all? Studying subjects relatively "like themselves," local ethnographers may be more attuned to cultural nuance than far-from-home anthropologists, better able to draw on experiential understandings.
They can often "blend in" more completely-verbally, behaviorally, physically-possibly making for better rapport, possibly affecting who and what they are studying less by their pres- ence. But how can insider-ethnographers perceive in the first place the cultural assumptions they share with subjects like themselves?
How do they get at tacit culture without contrast and "difference" to attune them to it-a conventional justification for cross-cultural research? Others do, some perhaps for cross-cultural reasons-being foreign-born 24, 26, 83,; having done traditional far-from-home anthropological research prior to the present ethnography 3, 68, 79, 92, 93,,,; or building cross-cultural research directly into their domestic monographs 67, Cross-cultural experience or research sometimes plays no known role, on the other hand: Bell 17Bluebond-Langner 19Curran 38di Leonardo 42Ginsberg 74Harper 89Hochschild 93, MerryRadwaySacksand Weston have apparently arrived at their variously impressive or subtle understandings in different ways-imagination, cultural or historical scholar- ship, or attending to lesser but real differences between self and subject that are almost always part of local research as well.
For, as Aguilar has also noted, "likeness" is rarely complete, and varies in often cross-cutting ways. In the bibliography, each of these core ethnographies is marked with an initial asterisk, and with the discipline of the ethnographer at the end of the citation a few of these identifications are guesses; apologies for mistakes: Identifying with "them" does not necessarily mean you are like them, or that they are all like one another, or that they all trust or identify with you, or that they want to be studied by you.
Some "native" ethnographers never clearly arrive at this awareness, usually to the detriment of their interpretations. At least a half-dozen do, however; Weston and Sacks write about it perceptively, for co-lesbian subjects in north- ern California and women workers in North Carolina Only four of these recent ethnographies are strictly autoethnographic, writ- ten directly out of the experiences of being French-American, an ex-nun, a professional poker player, and a medical student, respectively 26, 38, 92, Everyone else studies someone else, variously mixed and matched with themselves.
Most of the many identified studies of gender focus on women 10, 20, 38, 41,42, 58, 59, 74, 95, 96, 98,,,,, and are virtually all by women ethnographers. A few others treat men in particular, however 56, 57,; a few treat male and female gender about equally 96,or in passing, or implicitly 12, 17, 26, 45, 61a, 63, 79, 92,, -including those whose main topic is male-dominated professions 21, 28, 75,,working-class occupations 1, 3, 24, 55, 89, or other ways of getting a living 92, And, at a finer level, any aca- demic professional virtually all these ethnographers not studying other academic professionals none does is dealing with persons with attitudes toward career, work, and lived-in culture distinctly different from their own.
Ethnographers of the young 19, 20, 49, 56, 57, 63, 77, 87, 98,,a,and the old 16, 48, 67,,all differ from their subjects in age, though all were either once like the former or anticipate or fear becoming like the latter.
They always differ from these subjects in historical cohort or generation. Ethnics study their own groups less often than other ethnic groups 42,,versus 22,43,63,68,73, 81,,,; cross-racial research is much more common than in-racial investigation 17, 22, 43, 62, 76, 77, 87, 93, 98,,,versus 7, 82, Writing; Ethnographic Interview on Sports in American Culture; Ethnographic Interview: Taiwan Culture Experience 1 Ethnographic Interview: Taiwan Culture Experience Vntge Jayne Clark Atlanta University Communication Cultural Diversity, Professor Howell March 14, 2 PRECONCEPTIONS Culture is defined as the traditions, customs, norms.
An ethnographic interview is a kind of qualitative research that combines a one-to-one interview and observation that can be made over a period of time (Mai 1). His ethnographic research into black South Philadelphia, the business community of Hazleton Pennsylvania, and the large horse farms of Chester County Pennsylvania is drawn together here to examine the cultural forms that shape American life at every level.
Patterns of American Culture is a scholarly and poetic pursuit of the concealed.
|The American Indian Quarterly||The Poetics and Politics of Ethnography. University of California Press,|
|Writing Culture - Anthropology - Oxford Bibliographies||This section needs additional citations for verification.|
|See a Problem?||Highlighting the epistemic and political predicaments adhering in ethnographic representation, this book became eponymous for a broader controversy during the late s and early s. This Writing Culture debate concerned itself with adequate forms of ethnographic writing, reflexivity, objectivity, and the culture-concept, as well as ethnographic authority in an increasingly fragmented, globalized, and post colonial world.|
Inventing the New Negro: Narrative, Culture, and What connects these seemingly disparate intellectuals is their investment in the study of and participation in African American and diasporic folk cultures.
Tell My Horse is yet another example of the kind of generic hybridity that characterizes New Negro ethnographic writing. The. Ethnographic Writing about American Culture Ethnographic Writing about American Culture Moffatt, Michael Department of Anthropology, Rutgers University, New Brunswick, New Jersey KEYWORDS: United States, native ethnography.
participant-observation, cultural research Anthropologists have done more research in the United States in the last dozen years than in the .
Writing Culture: The Poetics and Politics of Ethnography [James Clifford, George E. Marcus, Mike Fortun, Kim Fortun] on plombier-nemours.com *FREE* shipping on qualifying offers. This seminal collection of essays critiquing ethnography as literature is augmented with a new foreword by Kim Fortun/5(4).